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  • digital2k
    08-06 12:40 PM

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  • jliechty
    July 3rd, 2005, 04:39 PM
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  • waitingnwaiting
    03-24 09:28 AM
    IND 67/1 in 12.5 overs

    To win: IND needs 194 run(s) in 37.1 over(s)

    Who will win this match. Caste vote and comment

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  • she81
    01-17 03:03 PM
    I realize they dont acknowledge anywhere the lack of visa numbers as a problem with EB immigration. They only speak of processing times delays and hiring more staff to overcome that.


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  • psk79
    07-19 09:14 PM
    Hi, I have been noticing on .com that even after the mess-ups in Aug 08 when similar visa bulletin came out and uscis approved lots of cases from 06 ignoring people from 04 and 05, they are not approving cases in pd order even now (well not like before but still bad). I mean how can they approve sep 05 cases before all 03/2005 cases are approved especially if they are all pre-adj and ready (atleast most are). Even though technically anyone until oct 1, 2005 is eligible for visa number, Shouldn't they go in order? This is very unfair given you don't know when they might run out of numbers and TSC is snail paced doing 3-6 approvals a day atmost while NSC is doing tons a day :) Any comments?

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  • Blog Feeds
    03-05 06:20 PM
    Immigration Lawyers Blog Has Just Posted the Following:
    The California Service Center (CSC) will hold a tour of its facility in Laguna Niguel, California, for HR personnel involved with filing immigration cases for their workers. The tour is on March 11, 2010. It will begin at 12:15PM and end at 1:00PM. From 1:00PM to 2:30PM, CSC officers will meet with the visitors and answer questions. The topics will include best practices for filing and advice HR professionals should give their foreign workers. Please let us know by March 5, 2010 if you'd like to attend and we can arrange your visit.

    More... (


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  • Candidate
    02-01 12:38 AM
    Need advice ...I am currently on H1 B.
    six years back (on F-1) I started working 2 business days prior to my CPT started.... Unfortunately ... that meant I did work unauthorized for a couple of days. Now I am at a stage where I need to use CPT experience to apply for PERM. Would stating the actual start date on form 9089 (which happens to be 2 days prior to actual CPT start date listed on I 20) pose any future issues?
    CAn I be granted lineancy (something like 245K) if in in future this lapse becomes evident to U S C I S. How seriously would this minor violation be treated?

    Thanks and appreciate your help!

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  • team trim
    05-26 10:24 AM
    I�m eb3 all other countries. My nationality is Canadian. Since a GC is not available shouldn�t the EAD I received be good for 2 years?


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  • dbonneau
    10-03 01:52 PM
    Hi, I recently got approved for I140 and am in the I485 pending.
    Is it possible to add my parents as dependents when my pending I485 ? Thanks, db

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  • Macaca
    11-11 08:15 AM
    Extreme Politics ( By ALAN BRINKLEY | New York Times, November 11, 2007

    Alan Brinkley is the Allan Nevins professor of history and the provost at Columbia University.

    Few people would dispute that the politics of Washington are as polarized today as they have been in decades. The question Ronald Brownstein poses in this provocative book is whether what he calls “extreme partisanship” is simply a result of the tactics of recent party leaders, or whether it is an enduring product of a systemic change in the structure and behavior of the political world. Brownstein, formerly the chief political correspondent for The Los Angeles Times and now the political director of the Atlantic Media Company, gives considerable credence to both explanations. But the most important part of “The Second Civil War” — and the most debatable — is his claim that the current political climate is the logical, perhaps even inevitable, result of a structural change that stretched over a generation.

    A half-century ago, Brownstein says, the two parties looked very different from how they appear today. The Democratic Party was a motley combination of the conservative white South; workers in the industrial North as well as African-Americans and other minorities; and cosmopolitan liberals in the major cities of the East and West Coasts. Republicans dominated the suburbs, the business world, the farm belt and traditional elites. But the constituencies of both parties were sufficiently diverse, both demographically and ideologically, to mute the differences between them. There were enough liberals in the Republican Party, and enough conservatives among the Democrats, to require continual negotiation and compromise and to permit either party to help shape policy and to be competitive in most elections. Brownstein calls this “the Age of Bargaining,” and while he concedes that this era helped prevent bold decisions (like confronting racial discrimination), he clearly prefers it to the fractious world that followed.

    The turbulent politics of the 1960s and ’70s introduced newly ideological perspectives to the two major parties and inaugurated what Brownstein calls “the great sorting out” — a movement of politicians and voters into two ideological camps, one dominated by an intensified conservatism and the other by an aggressive liberalism. By the end of the 1970s, he argues, the Republican Party was no longer a broad coalition but a party dominated by its most conservative voices; the Democratic Party had become a more consistently liberal force, and had similarly banished many of its dissenting voices. Some scholars and critics of American politics in the 1950s had called for exactly such a change, insisting that clear ideological differences would give voters a real choice and thus a greater role in the democratic process. But to Brownstein, the “sorting out” was a catastrophe that led directly to the meanspirited, take-no-prisoners partisanship of today.

    There is considerable truth in this story. But the transformation of American politics that he describes was the product of more extensive forces than he allows and has been, at least so far, less profound than he claims. Brownstein correctly cites the Democrats’ embrace of the civil rights movement as a catalyst for partisan change — moving the white South solidly into the Republican Party and shifting it farther to the right, while pushing the Democrats farther to the left. But he offers few other explanations for “the great sorting out” beyond the preferences and behavior of party leaders. A more persuasive explanation would have to include other large social changes: the enormous shift of population into the Sun Belt over the last several decades; the new immigration and the dramatic increase it created in ethnic minorities within the electorate; the escalation of economic inequality, beginning in the 1970s, which raised the expectations of the wealthy and the anxiety of lower-middle-class and working-class people (an anxiety conservatives used to gain support for lowering taxes and attacking government); the end of the cold war and the emergence of a much less stable international system; and perhaps most of all, the movement of much of the political center out of the party system altogether and into the largest single category of voters — independents. Voters may not have changed their ideology very much. Most evidence suggests that a majority of Americans remain relatively moderate and pragmatic. But many have lost interest, and confidence, in the political system and the government, leaving the most fervent party loyalists with greatly increased influence on the choice of candidates and policies.

    Brownstein skillfully and convincingly recounts the process by which the conservative movement gained control of the Republican Party and its Congressional delegation. He is especially deft at identifying the institutional and procedural tools that the most conservative wing of the party used after 2000 both to vanquish Republican moderates and to limit the ability of the Democratic minority to participate meaningfully in the legislative process. He is less successful (and somewhat halfhearted) in making the case for a comparable ideological homogeneity among the Democrats, as becomes clear in the book’s opening passage. Brownstein appropriately cites the former House Republican leader Tom DeLay’s farewell speech in 2006 as a sign of his party’s recent strategy. DeLay ridiculed those who complained about “bitter, divisive partisan rancor.” Partisanship, he stated, “is not a symptom of democracy’s weakness but of its health and its strength.”

    But making the same argument about a similar dogmatism and zealotry among Democrats is a considerable stretch. To make this case, Brownstein cites not an elected official (let alone a Congressional leader), but the readers of the Daily Kos, a popular left-wing/libertarian Web site that promotes what Brownstein calls “a scorched-earth opposition to the G.O.P.” According to him, “DeLay and the Democratic Internet activists ... each sought to reconfigure their political party to the same specifications — as a warrior party that would commit to opposing the other side with every conceivable means at its disposal.” The Kos is a significant force, and some leading Democrats have attended its yearly conventions. But few party leaders share the most extreme views of Kos supporters, and even fewer embrace their “passionate partisanship.” Many Democrats might wish that their party leaders would emulate the aggressively partisan style of the Republican right. But it would be hard to argue that they have come even remotely close to the ideological purity of their conservative counterparts. More often, they have seemed cowed and timorous in the face of Republican discipline, and have over time themselves moved increasingly rightward; their recapture of Congress has so far appeared to have emboldened them only modestly.

    There is no definitive answer to the question of whether the current level of polarization is the inevitable result of long-term systemic changes, or whether it is a transitory product of a particular political moment. But much of this so-called age of extreme partisanship has looked very much like Brownstein’s “Age of Bargaining.” Ronald Reagan, the great hero of the right and a much more effective spokesman for its views than President Bush, certainly oversaw a significant shift in the ideology and policy of the Republican Party. But through much of his presidency, both he and the Congressional Republicans displayed considerable pragmatism, engaged in negotiation with their opponents and accepted many compromises. Bill Clinton, bedeviled though he was by partisan fury, was a master of compromise and negotiation — and of co-opting and transforming the views of his adversaries. Only under George W. Bush — through a combination of his control of both houses of Congress, his own inflexibility and the post-9/11 climate — did extreme partisanship manage to dominate the agenda. Given the apparent failure of this project, it seems unlikely that a new president, whether Democrat or Republican, will be able to recreate the dispiriting political world of the last seven years.

    Division of the U.S. Didn’t Occur Overnight ( By MICHIKO KAKUTANI | New York Times, November 13, 2007
    THE SECOND CIVIL WAR How Extreme Partisanship Has Paralyzed Washington and Polarized America By Ronald Brownstein, The Penguin Press. $27.95


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  • kirupa
    10-31 06:24 AM
    The image's size seems to be too large. Please use the size provided in the template :)

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  • arunmurthy
    09-17 03:06 PM
    Cousin of my friend got an email that his card production has been ordered.
    He falls in EB3I (PD Aug. 2005). I could not believe it but my friend told me that
    EB3I would see significant movement in coming months.
    Gus Hang on and tighten your seat belts. We will have a wild ride if he is true.


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  • chanduv23
    05-24 08:19 AM
    The movement you are in TENSION
    You will loose your ATTENTION
    Then you are in total CONFUSION
    And you will feel IRRITATION
    Then you will spoil personal RELATION
    Ultimately, you won't get CO-OPERATION
    Then you will make things COMPLICATION
    And you may have to take MEDITATION
    Instead, understand the SITUATION
    And try to think about the SOLUTION
    Many problems will be solved by DISCUSSION
    Which will work out better in your PROFESSION
    Don't think it is my free SUGGESTION
    It is only for your PREVENTION
    If you understand my INTENTION
    You will never come again to TENSION

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  • dhirajs98
    05-04 02:54 PM

    My lawyer received an RFE on my EB3/RIR labor cert on priority date 01/26/04In Feb sometime and responded back exactly on the last day (03/01/07) it was due. I have not heard anything back from DBEC since then. Anyone here have any idea how much time they take to approve the labor after RFE is responded back, if at all they do approve it? I know couple of my friends in CA who got their labor approved within a month after their RFE was responded back. My labor was filed from WI.

    Please post your experiences if anyone experienced this before. The RFE was about company's financial document. I am not worried about the financial status of the company as it is doing pretty good from last 3-4 years consistently.

    any info on this issue will be appreciated.




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  • sansari
    03-04 08:07 PM
    My first H1 was from "Company A" back in 2001. Company A also sponsored me for my green card. In 2005 I transferred my H1 to Company B, however my green card was still sponsored with Company A. I have an approved I-140 and I am waiting on my PD to become current. My H1 is suppose to get renew in August of 2007, which will be through Company B.

    I have heard that after 6 years renewal, your current H1 company should have sponsored you for green card in order to get the 7th year H1. And as you can see in my case that my previous company has sponsored me for my
    H1 and not my current company.

    Can someone put some light on this issue.



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  • rajenk
    12-02 03:32 PM
    Category classification of EB2 or EB3 is done when filing I-140. Labor does not have any such classification. It all depends on the job requirement that decides EB2/EB3 at I-140 while filing.

    I second hibworker on your question.


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  • SPAD3S
    08-19 11:36 PM
    yea not bad

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  • ganip
    11-12 11:19 AM

    I applied for SSN for my wife using the EAD,the person at the SSN office noticed that the date of birth on the EAD was not correct, but still took the application.Our lawyer reapplied for a new EAD last week but we recieved the SSN, please let me know if my wife can work using the SSN or wait till the reapplied EAD is approved.

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  • kisana
    01-31 08:20 AM
    Can anyone please help me.

    03-14 09:09 PM

    I am on L1A at present and my full 7 year term is expiring in DEC-2012. My company could not file EB1-Int'l Executive or manager due to ownership changes etc. But they are considering EB2 and I was told that it will be risky as I would be required to convert to H1B before that and I would lose one year of stay.

    Can someone advise whether my company can apply for extension of my L1A beyond the 7 years, if it files for EB2 and would be pending for approval, instead of going through the issue of converting to H1B?


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